For nearly 15 years, Eliud Owalo operated in the shadows of Kenya’s political war rooms, designing campaigns for some of the country’s most powerful political figures. Today, the former Cabinet Secretary insists he has permanently closed that chapter, stepping into the glare of electoral politics to argue that his technocratic credentials, rather than political patronage, make him the man to fix Kenya’s ailing economy.
Owalo’s political history is a study in versatility across Kenya’s deeply divided political landscape. He first rose to prominence as a chief campaign strategist for Raila Odinga during the 2013 presidential election. He later had a stint with Musalia Mudavadi’s Amani National Congress before making a significant political shift. In 2019, Owalo publicly declared his support for William Ruto and subsequently campaigned for him in the Nyanza region, a move he describes as having introduced Ruto to the region.
Following Ruto’s victory in 2022, Owalo was appointed Cabinet Secretary for Information, Communications and the Digital Economy. Following the dissolution of the Cabinet in 2024, he was moved to the Executive Office of the President as Deputy Chief of Staff in charge of Delivery and Government Efficiency.
On January 11, 2026, Owalo abruptly resigned from his State House position, declaring that his continued stay in government had become untenable following his decision to vie for the presidency. He subsequently launched the People’s Prosperity Party to advance his 2027 presidential bid.
When asked why he believes he is better suited to become president than the current political establishment or the opposition, Owalo grounds his argument in what he describes as a leadership deficit and his identity as a manager rather than a career politician. His central pitch is a rejection of Kenya’s traditional political class. He argues that the leaders who have dominated the political scene for the past 30 years, both in government and in opposition, have exhausted their ideas.
“Kenyans feel like they no longer need legacy politicians at the helm,” Owalo stated in an interview, positioning himself as the chief executive the country needs.
He frequently cites his more than two decades of experience in the private sector as a consultant before entering government, arguing that this has equipped him with the skills required to manage public resources efficiently.
Owalo frames his candidacy as the culmination of Kenya’s historical struggles. He identifies the first as the struggle for independence, the second as the fight for multiparty democracy and the third, which he seeks to lead, as the struggle for economic emancipation.
His policy proposals form the central pillar of his argument for presidential suitability. He has pledged to significantly reduce the tax burden, proposing to cut income tax from 35 per cent to 20 per cent, value added tax (VAT) from 16 per cent to 10 per cent and scrap digital taxes altogether, leaving Kenyans with more money in their pockets.
He has also promised free primary and secondary education, as well as free healthcare in public hospitals. He argues that these commitments are achievable if corruption is tackled through the full digitalization of government services, a process he claims to have initiated during his tenure at the Ministry of Information, Communications and the Digital Economy, when he claims to have digitized 22,000 government services.
In a departure from the usual political playbook, Owalo declines to identify a specific regional or ethnic stronghold. When pressed on his political base, he defines his support in economic rather than ethnic terms, pointing to farmers struggling to access agricultural inputs, fisherfolk exploited by middlemen and young people without jobs. These, he says, are the people he wants to represent.
He argues that his experience working across different political camps, from Raila to Mudavadi and Ruto, has given him a national outlook that transcends ethnic coalitions, which he believes are outdated and no longer serve the interests of Kenyans.
Owalo’s case for presidential suitability is also defensive. Facing persistent speculation that his candidacy could be a covert attempt to split the vote in Nyanza and benefit his former boss, President Ruto, he dismisses the suggestion as illogical. He argues that, had he still been working for Ruto, he would simply have remained in government.
“I am not Ruto’s project,” he says, emphasizing that his resignation marked a genuine break from the administration as he pursued an independent political vision.
As the 2027 election cycle gathers momentum, Owalo’s candidacy presents a significant test of a particular hypothesis in Kenyan politics: Whether a strategist known for operating behind the scenes can convince an electorate weary of broken promises and economic hardship that a self-described technocrat offers a genuine solution, rather than simply another political operative in a new suit.
FIVE DIFFICULT QUESTIONS ELIUD OWALO MUST ANSWER
1. Is his presidential bid designed to split the Luo Nyanza vote?
Owalo has a long political history with Raila Odinga and later helped William Ruto consolidate his political support in Luo Nyanza. He is now seeking the presidency on a separate party ticket. Given the region’s political dynamics, how does he intend to convince Kenyans that his candidacy is not part of a strategy to divide the Luo vote, weaken the opposition and ultimately benefit his former boss, William Ruto? Can he categorically rule out any political understanding, direct or indirect, with State House?
2. What changed? Why does he believe he is now better suited to lead Kenya than William Ruto?
Owalo served in Ruto’s Cabinet and subsequently as Deputy Chief of Staff at State House, overseeing delivery and government efficiency. He was therefore not a distant observer of the administration but part of its inner workings. What exactly changed between the time he considered Ruto suitable to lead Kenya and now, when he believes he is better qualified for the presidency? Did he disagree with any of Ruto’s policies while serving in government? If so, why did he remain in the administration? And if he believed the government was pursuing the right policies, what makes him a credible alternative today?
3. Where will the money come from to finance his promises?
Owalo promises to reduce income tax from 35 per cent to 20 per cent, VAT from 16 per cent to 10 per cent, scrap digital taxes, provide free primary and secondary education, and guarantee free healthcare in public hospitals. These are ambitious proposals, but Kenya is already grappling with mounting public debt, revenue shortfalls and competing expenditure demands.
Can he present a credible fiscal plan demonstrating how he intends to finance these commitments without increasing public borrowing, introducing other taxes or compromising essential public services? Specifically, which government expenditures would he cut, and by how much?
4. Having been part of the political establishment, why should Kenyans believe he represents change?
Owalo presents himself as a technocrat and an alternative to Kenya’s traditional political class. Yet his political career has involved working for Raila Odinga, Musalia Mudavadi and William Ruto. He has served as a campaign strategist, Cabinet Secretary and senior State House official.
Is his attempt to portray himself as an outsider not somewhat disingenuous? Which specific government decisions, policies or practices did he challenge while serving in the administration? Can he point to instances when he placed national interest above political loyalty, even at personal or professional cost?
5. Beyond digitalization, what is his concrete economic transformation agenda?
Owalo frequently cites the digitalization of 22,000 government services as evidence of his managerial capabilities. However, digitalizing government services is not the same as transforming an economy. Millions of Kenyans remain concerned about unemployment, the cost of living, struggling businesses, agricultural productivity and declining purchasing power.
If elected president, what three measurable economic outcomes would he commit to delivering within his first 24 months in office? How many jobs does he expect to create? How would he increase household incomes? And what would he do differently from the economic policies pursued by the administration in which he served?
The ultimate test: Is he a genuine alternative or simply a political operator seeking a promotion?
For nearly 15 years, Owalo has been a political strategist helping others pursue power. He helped Raila Odinga, worked with Musalia Mudavadi and eventually played a role in William Ruto’s successful presidential campaign. Why should Kenyans believe that his presidential ambition is driven by a genuine desire to transform the country rather than by a strategist’s desire to occupy the seat he has spent years helping others secure?
Is Owalo offering Kenyans a genuine political and ideological alternative, or is he simply a political operative seeking a promotion from the war room to State House?